“Israel Hayoum Law” – The Ethical dilema:
Your final assignment involves an in-d
“Israel Hayoum Law” – The Ethical dilema:
Your final assignment involves an in-depth exploration of the “Yisrael Hayom” law, proposed in 2014, officially titled the “Law for the Advancement and Protection of Print Journalism in Israel,” commonly known as the “Israel Hayom Law.” The assignment is structured into four key questions:
Understanding the Israel Hayom LawProvide a comprehensive overview of the Israel Hayom Law, including details such as when it was proposed, the individuals or entities behind its proposal, and the motivations driving its introduction.
Examine the impact of the law on the Israeli political landscape and delve into the events triggered by its proposal.
Arguing Against the LawPresent a well-structured argument highlighting why the Israel Hayom Law is perceived as unethical, drawing insights from the form of journalism practiced in Israel, particularly the social responsibility form (refer to the first online lecture document).
Evaluate opposing perspectives, validating arguments against the law while critically analyzing the agendas of those who contested it.
Explore how the law poses a potential threat to democracy and discuss the possible consequences it may lead to.
Arguing in Favor of the LawArticulate reasons supporting the Israel Hayom Law, emphasizing its role in fostering ethical journalism within a democratic capitalist society.
Investigate the motivations behind the bill’s formation, scrutinizing the stated agenda versus the underlying motivations, and form an informed opinion in support of the law.
Assess how the proposed law contributes to safeguarding democracy, considering the essence of Western and Israeli democratic values.
Proposing a Better Legal FrameworkPut forth suggestions for an improved legal framework, alternative legislation, or specific regulations/policies that could better safeguard the democratic press in Israel.
Ensure your proposal addresses the shortcomings of the Israel Hayom Law and aligns with the principles of ethical journalism and democratic values in modern age – in other words – feel free to be creative.
RESEARCH LINKS AND SUGGESTED READING:
Legal op – IDI 2014
https://en.idi.org.il/articles/6127
Law BKGD
ISRAEL HAYOUM – a different animal – launched by Sheldon Adelson in 2007 and described by Nahum Barnea (Israeli Journalist) as the biggest election gift ever it is a free daily with a massive circulation in its 7 year of existence. Nicknamed the Bibiton.
What is the Israel Hayom law that the Knesset passed in a preliminary vote on Wednesday?
The “law for the advancement and protection of written journalism in Israel” is more widely known as the “Israel Hayom law” and would more accurately be called “the law to limit Sheldon Adelson’s influence.” The law, proposed by MK Eitan Cabel (Knesset) and sponsored by members of five other Knesset parties, would make it illegal to widely distribute a full-size newspaper free of charge.
The law’s stated intention is to “defend written journalism” in a period of financial hardship for newspapers in Israel (Maariv closed down, Haaretz on its way) . It doesn’t mention any paper by name, but only Israel Hayom fits its requirements.
THE LAW’S UNSTATED INTENTION: An anti Bibi/Adelson law many would argue that was widely supported across the board by many from within his coalition. This is not a right wing newspaper per say that just purports right wing ideology – this is a paper that came out against many of Netanyahu’s competitors, party members etc. Regardless of their ideology or platform rather more if they posed a threat to the PM. It came out after Bennet, after Lieberman etc. Why are the law’s supporters going after Israel Hayom?
Aside from the official reason of creating fair competition in the Israeli newspaper industry, there are political and commercial considerations at work. Israel Hayom has had one agenda since it first appeared in 2007 — Benjamin Netanyahu. It supported his candidacy for prime minister, and since his reelection in 2009, it has been slavishly pushing his policies and defending him and his family from criticism.
The law is being sponsored by members of rival parties to Netanyahu’s Likud, from the right and left, both coalition and opposition members. Even Netanyahu’s senior ministers have attacked the paper; Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman called it “Pravda” and Economics Minister Naftali Bennett described it as “a mouthpiece of one man.” In its support for Netanyahu, Israel Hayom has created enemies across the political spectrum who are eager to clip its wings.
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they reserve their most vicious editorial attacks for anyone who dares to disagree with or criticize Netanyahu and the government. I wouldn’t say that they do that at the expense of the truth, but the journalists who work there know that they have to tow a particular editorial line in anything that touches the government. There isn’t even a pretense of objectivity. And that makes them very, very different to any other paper in Israel. It’s known as the “Bibiton” which is Hebrew for sort of “Bibi” news and –
Nachum Barnea, who’s an award-winning Israeli columnist. He described the paper which was launched just before the last election as “the biggest election gift ever given in Israel.” If you remember, Natanyahu was elected by a knife edge, so any slight swing in the vote there was extremely important.
The other thing about Israel is that the standard of living here is much, much lower than it is in the States, and so, an expenditure on a daily newspaper is much, much higher proportionally, since salaries are about a third of what they are in the States. If someone’s giving you a newspaper for nothing, instead of one that you have to pay for, then it’s gonna be very attractive to you. And once you start reading it, then there’s more than likely possibility that it’s going to start to inform your political views. ————————————————————————————————–
The freesheet swiftly became the newspaper with the highest public exposure in Israel, upsetting the monopoly of the top-selling tabloid Yedioth Ahronoth. Israel Hayom has accused Yedioth’s publisher, Arnon “Noni” Mozes, of orchestrating the law through MKs who receive preferential treatment from Mozes’ paper and its popular website Ynet, in the interest of reestablishing his predominance in Israeli media. For months now, the paper has been running a campaign portraying Mozes as a puppeteer pulling the strings of the politicians in “Noni’s evil empire.”
Mozes, who never gives interviews, has not responded to these accusations. The MKs sponsoring the law have denied they are doing Mozes’ bidding.
Why does Adelson need a newspaper?
Adelson, who made his first fortune from computer-industry conventions and then reaped billions from his mega-casino and hotel complexes in the United States and Far East, has no major business holdings in Israel and never invested in the media in the past. At a conference just this Sunday he even said “I don’t like journalism.” He does, however, have a keen interest in politics in his native United States and in Israel (of which he isn’t a citizen, though his second wife Miri is).
In the United States he has plowed an estimated $150 million through super PACs to fund presidential and congressional campaigns of Republicans he favors, but political funding laws in Israel allow individuals and corporations to contribute only relatively small sums.
Adelson, who holds far-right political views and has known and supported Netanyahu for over two decades, founded Israel Hayom as his own personal loophole to do in Israel what he has been doing in the United States. The paper’s financial statements remain a closely guarded secret, but Israeli media experts believe he has spent at least $50 million to date.
In interviews, Adelson has denied that Israel Hayom is a “Bibiton” — a moniker combining Netanyahu’s nickname and the Hebrew word for newspaper. He says the paper was created to balance the “far-left” agenda of Yedioth and other Israeli media. (Not true – goes out against
Bennet/Lieberman/internal likud competitors).
Adelson’s MO and his paper’s coverage of Netanyahu suggest otherwise. Israel Hayom was founded on the (not totally unfounded) belief that the Israeli media are out to get Netanyahu and the only way he can govern is by having his own media.
Would the new law harm Israel Hayom?
The freesheet has been running a campaign accusing the law and its supporters of trying to shut it down. This is disingenuous. By forcing them to charge readers even a small price, readership will go down, but whatever that may do the paper’s revenues it is immaterial as the paper is operating at a loss anyway that Adelson has no problem covering using his private fortune. Israel Hayom can continue to operate despite the law as long as Adelson continues to bankroll it.
Their real issue is that the law would drastically limit the paper’s exposure. Israel Hayom rarely publishes scoops, seldom receives high-profile exclusive interviews and has very few must-read columnists by any standard. Its one attraction is that it’s free of charge.
But its publishers are no fools; they’re fully aware that if it were a paid product, it would be likely to be bought by very few Israelis — as it is, print journalism is on the decline. Denying it this advantage would deny Adelson the influence and support he hoped to buy for Netanyahu in funding the paper.
What’s wrong with the law?
There are two major problems with Israel Hayom law. First, no law should be targeted at a single individual or company. The crude way the proposal has been tailored for this one freesheet highlights the political and commercial motivations behind it.
Second, any law that seeks to impose limits on a media organization carries inherent dangers. Legislation against one newspaper, as problematic as it is per se, creates a perilous precedent for Israeli democracy. (where else did this happen? Germany – find examples as to how)
There are counterarguments in favor, of course. For a start, Israel Hayom as a loss-making, mass-distributed, one-politician-supporting freesheet is not a real newspaper in many senses. Its supporters claim that it operates on the business model of freesheets around the world, but this is patently untrue. Those free papers, with their tiny editorial budgets, are meant solely as vehicles for advertisement — and to while away a few minutes on the daily commute.
Adelson’s billions, on the other hand, have financed a full staff of journalists (in itself a good thing) whose sole aim is to create a pro-Netanyahu publication that resembles an attractive and professional newspaper. While this may or may not have been an intended result, it is jeopardizing the existence of rivals that lack the capacity to sustain large losses. Still, targeted legislation should not be the solution.
Are there other ways in which Israel Hayom should be challenged?
Adelson’s newspaper is thinly disguised mega-campaign funding. The regulators of political finance, especially the state comptroller, should have stepped in long ago to close this loophole. Flooding the market with a free product and undercutting competitors by offering cut-price advertising space is ruining competition in what is already an increasingly fragile print-media market.
The Antitrust Authority should be looking into that. For whatever reasons (and which state agency would rush to investigate a company owned by the prime minister’s chief patron?) the relevant authorities seem to have made no attempt to enquire whether Israel Hayom is breaking any laws, let alone try to regulate them.
In the absence of any regulation or enforcement necessary to create a more level playing-field both in politics and the media, this anti-Adelson law was born. It’s a bad law can be argued, but more than that, it’s a symptom of the weakness of Israeli democracy.